Volume 1, Issue 2 (2013)

Papers published:

pp. 102-103
doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020102 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Amelia Hadfield 1, * and Andrej J. Zwitter 2
1 Institute for European Studies, Vrije Universiteit Brussels, Belgium
2 Faculty of Law, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 10 July 2013
Abstract: The rise of open source online journals, free online courses, and other changes in the research and education environment, coined the "academic spring" by some commentators, represents an increasing trend in opening up the rules of access for research. Universities, libraries, publishers and even governments are paying attention to this new movement often referred to with the acronym A2K (access to knowledge).

doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020104 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Peter J. May 1, * , Ashley E. Jochim 2 and Barry Pump 3
1 Center for American Politics and Public Policy, Department of Political Science, University of Washington, USA
2 Center for Reinventing Public Education, University of Washington, USA
3 Office of the Historian, U.S. House of Representatives, USA
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 10 July 2013
Abstract: This contribution addresses political limits to the processing of policy problems in the United States. Our foci are the forces that limit policymakers' attention to different aspects of problems and how this affects the prospects for problem resolution. We theorize about three sets of forces: interest engagement, linkages among relevant institutions for policymaking, and partisan conflict. We show how the interplay of these forces limits efforts to address complex problems. Based on secondary accounts, we consider these underlying dynamics for ten complex problems. These include the thorny problems of the financial crisis, climate change, and health care; the persistent problems of K-12 education, drug abuse, and food safety; and the looming problems associated with critical infrastructure, the obesity epidemic, ocean health, and terrorism and extreme events. From these accounts we identify different patterns that we label fractured, allied, bureaucratic, and anemic policymaking.

doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020117 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Catherine Moury 1, * and Arco Timmermans 2, 3
1 Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, New University of Lisbon, Portugal
2 Institute of Public Administration, University of Leiden, The Netherlands
3 Montesquieu Institute, The Netherlands
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 25 July 2013
Abstract: In this article, we focus on manifest interparty conflict over policy issues and the role of coalition agreements in solving these conflicts. We present empirical findings on the charac­teristics of coalition agreements including deals over policy controversy and on inter-party con­flict occurring during the lifetime of governments in Germany, Belgium, Italy and the Nether­lands. We analyze the ways in which parties in government were or were not constrained by written deals over disputed issues. Coalition agreements from all four countries include specific policy deals, one third of which are precisely defined. These policy deals concern both consen­sual and controversial issues. Our central finding is that, in the case of intra-party conflict, parties almost always fall back on the initial policy deals when these exist. As such, policy state­ments of the coalition agreement facilitate decision making in each of the countries studied.

doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020132 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Eitan Hersh 1, * and Stephen Ansolabehere 2
1 Department of Political Science, Yale University, USA
2 Department of Government, Harvard University, USA
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 10 September 2013
Abstract: In this brief analysis, we use a new dataset of two million voter registration records to demonstrate that gender, race, and age do not correlate with political participation in the ways that previous research has shown. Among Blacks and Latinos, women participate at vastly higher rates than men; many Blacks participate at higher rates than Whites; and the relationship between age and participation is both not linear and varies by race and gender. Survey research is unable to capture the true relationship between demographics and participation on account of survey bias and, more importantly, the non-linearity of effects. As a result, theories of participation, like the dominant resources-based models, have been built on faulty premises and tested with inadequate data. Our evidence calls for a renewed effort to understand election participation by utilizing large datasets, by being attentive to linearity assumptions, and by returning to theory.

pp. 138-150
doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020138 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Jon Hovi 1, 2, * , Tora Skodvin 1 and Stine Aakre 2
1 Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
2 Center for International Climate and Environmental Research—Oslo (CICERO), Norway
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 20 September 2013
Abstract: More than two decades of climate change negotiations have produced a series of global climate agreements, such as the Kyoto Protocol and the Copenhagen Accords, but have nevertheless made very limited progress in curbing global emissions of greenhouse gases. This paper considers whether negotiations can succeed in reaching an agreement that effectively addresses the climate change problem. To be effective, a climate agreement must cause sub­stantial emissions reductions either directly (in the agreement's own lifetime) or indirectly (by paving the way for a future agreement that causes substantial emissions reductions directly). To reduce global emissions substantially, an agreement must satisfy three conditions. Firstly, participation must be both comprehensive and stable. Secondly, participating countries must accept deep commitments. Finally, the agreement must obtain high compliance rates. We argue that three types of enforcement will be crucial to fulfilling these three conditions: (1) incentives for countries to ratify with deep commitments, (2) incentives for countries that have ratified with deep commitments to abstain from withdrawal, and (3) incentives for countries having ratified with deep commitments to comply with them. Based on assessing the constraints that characterize the climate change negotiations, we contend that adopting such three-fold potent enforcement will likely be politically infeasible, not only within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, but also in the framework of a more gradual approach. Therefore, one should not expect climate change negotiations to succeed in producing an effective future agreement—either directly or indirectly.

doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020151 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Léa Roger 1, * and Gary S. Schaal 1
1 Department of Political Sciences, Helmut Schmidt University/University of the Federal Armed Forces Hamburg, Germany
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 9 October 2013
Abstract: In our paper we try to answer two empirical research questions. First, we assess the deliberative quality of discussions in two committees of the EU Parliament. In order to do so, we use a slightly revised version of the DQI. Second, we identify and empirically measure those variables that systematically influence the quality of deliberation in interviews with debate actors. We argue that the quality of deliberation in EU committees is influenced by two normative values: deliberation (common good orientation) and responsiveness (particular interest orientation), with the guiding value determined by the particular situation. Using a multidimensional concept of deliberation, we empirically test the impact of situational variables on specific aspects of deliberative quality. In addition, we take into account the temporal dimension of deliberation.

doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020170 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Michael Howlett 1, 2, * and Jeremy Rayner 3
1 Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University, Canada
2 Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore, Singapore
3 Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy, University of Saskatchewan, Canada
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 14 October 2013
Abstract: Thinking about policy mixes is at the forefront of current research work in the policy sciences and raises many significant questions with respect to policy tools and instruments, processes of policy formulation, and the evolution of tool choices over time. Not least among these is how to assess the potential for multiple policy tools to achieve policy goals in an efficient and effective way. Previous conceptual work on policy mixes has highlighted evaluative criteria such as "consistency" (the ability of multiple policy tools to reinforce rather than undermine each other in the pursuit of individual policy goals), "coherence" (or the ability of multiple policy goals to co-exist with each other in a logical fashion), and "congruence" (or the ability of multiple goals and instruments to work together in a uni-directional or mutually supportive fashion) as important design principles and measures of optimality in policy mixes. And previous empirical work on the evolution of existing policy mixes has highlighted how these three criteria are often lacking in mixes which have evolved over time as well as those which have otherwise been consciously designed. This article revisits this early design work in order to more clearly assess the reasons why many existing policy mixes are sub-optimal and the consequences this has for thinking about policy formulation processes and the practices of policy design.

doi: 10.12924/pag2013.01020183 | Volume 1 (2013) | Issue 2
Andrew J. Taylor
Department of Politics, University of Sheffield, UK
Publication Date: 7 November 2013
Abstract: This paper examines the feasibility of network governance in the context of the EU's expansion in the Western Balkans. The EU is formally committed to promoting network gov­ernance but the realities of enlargement require the creation of effective states, in other words of the primacy of hierarchy over network. Networks are created in enlargement and reflect the complexities of public policy but these networks do not represent, as yet, a significant shift of power away from the state. Despite a normative preference for network governance, the polit­ical reality of enlargement is that the EU seeks the creation of effective hierarchy.

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