Volume 18, Issue 2 (2022) | Re-thinking Violence, Everyday and (In)Security: Feminist/Intersectional Interventions

doi: 10.12924/johs2022.18020001 | Volume 18 (2022) | Issue 2
Ingrid Nyborg 1, * , Shweta Singh 2 and Gunhild Hoogensen Gjørv 3
1 Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Norway University of Life Sciences, Ås, Norway
2 Department of International Relations, South Asian University, Delhi, India
3 Centre for Peace Studies, University of Tromsø, Tromsø, Norway
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 16 August 2022
Abstract: This special gender issue brings to the fore a renewed focus on the importance of feminist intersectional analyses in understanding violence and (in)security in the everyday. It does so through the examination of several cases across the globe. The first set of articles examines how gender is understood in the context of police reform initiatives in post-conflict contexts, where despite political peace agreements, many forms of violence and insecurity continue in the everyday.  The second set of articles focuses on gender in populist movement, and particularly foregrounds an intersectional lens. The intersections of race, religion, class, caste, geographies and gender raise important questions when analyzing populist projects, including how the rise of populism may indicate a growing dissonance between the domestic and international, and how this is relevant to understanding the changing nature of violence and (in)security in this changing global era. Taken together, the two sets of articles give a rich account of the significance of incorporating a more complex understanding of gender in gaining better insight into contemporary societal processes.

doi: 10.12924/johs2022.18020006 | Volume 18 (2022) | Issue 2
Abda Khalid 1, * and Ingrid Nyborg 2
1 COMSATS University Islamabad, Abbottabad, Pakistan
2 Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Norway University of Life Sciences, Ås, Norway
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 16 August 2022
Abstract: Gender based violence (GBV) is a heinous crime that Pakistani society is facing. To deal with this menace, both the government and non-governmental organizations have taken steps at various levels to improve police service delivery, competence-building and awareness-raising on GBV, establish women’s shelters, establish women’s development and welfare units in district welfare departments, and open helplines. However, these initiatives are limited, scattered and lack coordination. Our research aims to understand how the introduction of ICT might improve both competence on GBV and the coordination of the mechanisms dealing with GBV. Using a qualitative approach, we conducted in-depth interviews of relevant actors involved in the process of dealing with GBV. Our research findings show that GBV is a deeply rooted and complex structural phenomenon that requires a well-planned, well-coordinated and politically driven strategy. While ICT has the potential to improve competence of stakeholder and processes of reporting, mitigating and preventing GBV, access to technology by rural women is limited. It is therefore important that technological innovations take account of contextual constraints and opportunities.

doi: 10.12924/johs2022.18020023 | Volume 18 (2022) | Issue 2
Kari Margrethe Osland 1, * and Maria Gilen Røysamb 1
1 Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo, Norway
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 13 September 2022

An analysis of Community-Oriented Policing (COP) in 12 post-conflict cases suggests that while the concept of COP holds promise of representing a more sustainable approach to conventional post-conflict police reform, among our cases, there are limited examples of successful COP. Rather, our cases reveal that COP is often perceived as much as a surveillance tool to legitimise harsh policing tactics, as promoting human security or serious reforms. The more robust finding, unsurprisningly, is that the levels of trust between the police and communities, and thus the viability of COP, is closely linked to whether the police act more as a service or a force. While the principles of COP are connected to a police service, in the ideal-typical sense, the post-conflict cases we have analysed are closer to the ideal-typical police force. A number of challenges and what seem to make COP more viable across cases are identified, which should be taken into account when COP is implemented in societies where a police force is the predominiant way of policing.


doi: 10.12924/johs2022.18020035 | Volume 18 (2022) | Issue 2
Heidi Riley 1, * , Hanna Ketola 2 and Punam Yadav 3
1 School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
2 Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Sheffield, Sheffield, England
3 Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London, London, England
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 28 October 2022

This article examines the construction of gender agendas in left-wing populist movements that mobilise for armed struggle, by focusing on the case of the Maoist movement in Nepal. Feminist scholarship has highlighted how left-wing populism, when appealing to a generalized “people”, tend to produce homogenizing discourses that erase inequalities and difference, even when such movements integrate a gender dimension. Examining the trajectory of the Maoist movement over time, we argue that this ‘sameness’ may become contested and utilized by women participating in the lower echelons of the movement, as the political reality shifts from conflict to post-conflict context. As our main contribution, we develop a bi-directional approach that employs the concept of collective identity and allows us to examine the construction of populist agendas as a two-way interaction between the leadership of a movement and its grass roots supporters. Through this approach we show how the gender dimension was not merely a bi-product but central to both the construction of the Maoist movement’s war time ‘progressive’ identity, and the fragmentation of this identity and the movement’s populist appeal in the post-conflict context.

doi: 10.12924/johs2023.18020047 | Volume 18 (2022) | Issue 2
Edme Dominguez Reyes 1, * , Cirila Quintero Ramirez 2 and Cristina Scheibe Wolff 3
1 University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, Sweden
2 The Northern Border College, Tamaulipas, Mexico
3 Federal University of Santa Catarina, Santa Catarina, Brazil
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 23 December 2023

Latin America has seen significant advances in both women’s rights and gender equality in the last three decades thanks both to external pressures (since the Beijing conference in 1995) and the strength of the women’s movements in the continent. However, these advances are being threatened by populist regimes and strong conservative and reactionary groups within civil society, especially among Catholic and Protestant churches. This kind of anti-‘gender ideology’ reactions is part of a backlash that slides in a scale from constant and structural discrimination to open reversals of gender equality previous gains. This chapter will try to illustrate how left and right-wing populism in the case of Mexico and Brazil, limit or setback gender equality gains in several areas, particularly regarding political parity and the fight against gender-based violence (GBV). We chose these two cases as we think they represent two sorts of backlashes, but also because they represent two examples of populism, different in their ideological positioning but not so different in their defence of patriarchal structures and support of family values.

ISSN: 1835-3800
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