ISSN: 1835-3800 doi: 10.12924/librello.JoHS

We are committed to a multidisciplinary approach to security analysis. Our associates contribute expertise from such diverse areas as political anthropology, international relations, environmental science, ethics, health care, psychology, economics, and engineering.

The Journal of Human Security (JoHS; ISSN 1835-3800) brings together expertise from universities worldwide and facilitates communication and collaboration between researchers, practitioners and educators. Beyond the academy, the Journal of Human Security aims to connect people interested in all aspects of human security.

Objectives & Aims

The goal of Journal of Human Security is to disseminate applied research into a secure and sustainable future for humanity. It continues the Australasian Journal of Human SecurityJournal of Human Security endeavours to:

  • Provide a forum for researchers to foster interdisciplinary inquiry in broad human security issues such as track two diplomacy, ethnic conflict, terrorism, religious extremism, human rights, demographic change, population health, human ecology, sustainable economics and related areas;
  • Inform readers about upcoming events, ongoing and new research projects, trends and discussions, newly published monographs, and available scholarships;
  • Encourage a multidisciplinary approach to issues that have traditionally been viewed as mostly unidisciplinary;
  • Maintain an appeal to a wide readership with both high academic standards and close relevance to practice;
  • Meet international standards of excellence.

Previous content:

In 2013 Librello started hosting the publications of the Journal of Human Security. For the previous content of the journal please use the following links:

2012 Journal of Human Security (Open Access)
2007-2011 Journal of Human Security (at RMIT University Press; pay-per-view)
2005-2006 Australasian Journal of Human Security (at Egan-Reid; pay-per-view)


Latest publications

doi: 10.12924/johs2020.16020055 | Volume 16 (2020) | Issue 2
Qasim Ali Shah 1 , Bahadar Nawab 1, * , Ingrid Nyborg 2 and Noor Elahi 1
1 Department of Development Studies, COMSATS University Islamabad (CUI), Abbottabad Campus, Pakistan
2 Department of International Environment and Development Studies-Noragric, Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU), Norway
* Corresponding author
Views 233
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Publication Date: 12 August 2020
Abstract: Unlike other faith-based conflicts, the militancy in Swat seems unique, as militants used religion for promoting their agenda and giving voices to the grievances of the poor people through a popular narrative likely without knowing narratology. Using narratives and narratology as a theoretical framework, this qualitative study is an effort to understand the essence of militants' narrative in Swat and the mechanism through which they steered it up until the time it gained verisimilitude. Conducting 73 semi-structured interviews, the study finds that it was a planned strategy of the militants that popularized them in Swat, while they later lost this support due to their atrocities against general populace. The militants used the socially and culturally constructed narrative through FM radio and motivated the masses to follow their ideology and brand of Islamic Sharia. The study concludes that the formulation and popularization of social narratives play vital roles in social movements and conflicts to muster popular support for promoting vested interests that can be used against the state and general public.

doi: 10.12924/johs2020.16020044 | Volume 16 (2020) | Issue 2
Stian Lid 1, * and Clifford Collins Omondi Okwany 2
1 Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research, Oslo Metropolitan University, Oslo, Norway
2 Department of Political Science and Public Administration, The University of Nairobi, Nairobi, Kenya
* Corresponding author
Views 635
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Publication Date: 18 June 2020
Abstract:

Community-oriented policing (COP) has become an important innovation in policing throughout the world, with variations among countries and regions, and over time. We identify and discuss contextual factors that determine the formation of COP policies, by investigating two contradictory national COP policies in Kenya: Constitutional Community Policing and Nyumba Kumi. Our study draws on primary data collection and secondary literature on contextual factors. The two competing Kenyan COP policies show, first, that there are significant variations in the nature and content of policing policies defined as COP; secondly, that the diversified and competing local contexts in transitional countries, involving reform processes while key elements of the past regimes are maintained, create significant room for manoeuvre for the actors involved. That enables the formation of radically different COP policies, in Kenya represented by a reformative COP policy as well as a repressive COP policy. Thirdly, the Kenyan case illustrates the risk of subversion of core intentions of COP: government actors have promoted COP policies focused more on information flow than on democratization and police reform. As a result, COP in Kenya has become more of an instrument for surveillance than a tool for protecting the citizenry. This development demonstrates clear historical continuities with colonial policing, significantly enabled by the emerging threat of terrorism. We argue that COP policies building on such criteria are counterproductive and are likely to fail. To avoid the misuse of the label ‘COP’ and legitimation of repressive policing practices, a common coherent definition of COP is required—one that at least ensures the needs and rights of citizens and local communities.


doi: 10.12924/johs2020.16020031 | Volume 16 (2020) | Issue 2
A. Heather Coyne 1, * and Ingrid Nyborg 2
1 Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary General for Yemen, United Nations, Amman, Jordan
2 Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU), Ås, Norway
* Corresponding author
Views 510
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Publication Date: 10 June 2020
Abstract:

Most international support for community policing focuses primarily if not exclusively on capacity building of the government, namely Ministries of Interior and police forces. For structural reasons, these organizations—in and of themselves—are often not the most appropriate partners to launch or sustain community-oriented policing initiatives, especially in the early phases of police reform. This paper presents an alternative to the ministry-centric approach in the form of civil society-driven programming for police reform. Using the case of police reform in Afghanistan in the late 2000s, we argue that a focus on community engagement, accountability, and responsiveness to the needs of the population can lead to improved human security even in post-conflict countries. Although a grassroots approach may seem daunting international actors more familiar with strategic advising at the ministerial level, we find that it provides an opportunity for more sustainable and effective engagement than ministry-centric efforts alone. Our experience from the Afghanistan case also shows, however, that a civil society approach is not a standalone—it needs to be complemented by ministerial initiatives as government has the central role in directing police reform. Adding a civil society component can make the official efforts more likely to succeed.

 


doi: 10.12924/johs2020.16020019 | Volume 16 (2020) | Issue 2
Ingvild Magnæs Gjelsvik
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Oslo, Norway
Views 634
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Publication Date: 18 May 2020
Abstract:

A reform is underway in Kenya, aimed at transforming the police organization into a people- centred police service. Among other things, this involves enhancing police-public trust and partnerships through community policing (COP). Two state-initiated COP models have been implemented: the National Police Service’s Community Policing Structure, and the Nyumba Kumi model of the President’s Office. On paper, police reform and the two COP models would appear to have the potential to improve police-public cooperation. In practice, however, implementation has proven difficult. Interviews and meetings with local community organizations, community representatives and police officers in urban and rural parts of Kenya indicate that scepticism towards the two COP models is common, as is refusal to engage in them. But why is this so? Why are these two COP models unsuccessful in enhancing police-public trust and cooperation? This article analyses how various contextual factors—such as conflicting socio-economic and political interests at the community and national levels, institutional challenges within the police, the overall role and mandate of the police in Kenya, and a top-down approach to COP—impede the intended police paradigm shift.


doi: 10.12924/johs2020.16020009 | Volume 16 (2020) | Issue 2
Stig Jarle Hansen
Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU), Ås, Norway
Views 974
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Publication Date: 6 May 2020
Abstract: This article asks how variations of state territorial control have influenced police missions in the recent past, and illustrate how recent police reforms were based on the structure of a ‘western’ type state with clearly identifiable formal state institutions enjoying autonomy, that strive for a form of territorial monopoly over violence. The article argues for moving beyond such assumptions by adopting scenarios based on how territory is controlled, developing four scenarios that can enable foreign-backed police missions to adapt to local circumstances. The article draws upon the typology of territorial control developed by Hansen in 2017/2019, amending this model to be adapted for policing. It argues that each of these scenarios require different strategies and compromises in order to create functioning police forces.

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ISSN: 1835-3800
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