ISSN: 1835-3800 doi: 10.12924/librello.JoHS

We are committed to a multidisciplinary approach to security analysis. Our associates contribute expertise from such diverse areas as political anthropology, international relations, environmental science, ethics, health care, psychology, economics, and engineering.

The Journal of Human Security (JoHS; ISSN 1835-3800) brings together expertise from universities worldwide and facilitates communication and collaboration between researchers, practitioners and educators. Beyond the academy, the Journal of Human Security aims to connect people interested in all aspects of human security.

Objectives & Aims

The goal of Journal of Human Security is to disseminate applied research into a secure and sustainable future for humanity. It continues the Australasian Journal of Human SecurityJournal of Human Security endeavours to:

  • Provide a forum for researchers to foster interdisciplinary inquiry in broad human security issues such as track two diplomacy, ethnic conflict, terrorism, religious extremism, human rights, demographic change, population health, human ecology, sustainable economics and related areas;
  • Inform readers about upcoming events, ongoing and new research projects, trends and discussions, newly published monographs, and available scholarships;
  • Encourage a multidisciplinary approach to issues that have traditionally been viewed as mostly unidisciplinary;
  • Maintain an appeal to a wide readership with both high academic standards and close relevance to practice;
  • Meet international standards of excellence.

Previous content:

In 2013 Librello started hosting the publications of the Journal of Human Security. For the previous content of the journal please use the following links:

2012 Journal of Human Security (Open Access)
2007-2011 Journal of Human Security (at RMIT University Press; pay-per-view)
2005-2006 Australasian Journal of Human Security (at Egan-Reid; pay-per-view)


Latest publications

doi: 10.12924/johs2023.19010008 | Volume 19 (2023) | Issue 1
Michał Czuba 1, * and Rafał Muster 2
1 Institute of Political Sciences of the University of Silesia in Katowice, Katowice, Silesia, Poland
2 Institute of Sociology, University of Silesia in Katowice, Katowice, Silesia, Poland
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 2 May 2023
Abstract:

The precariat is a new social category that exists in all countries around the world and consists of people who work in the gig economy and/or are employed under civil law contracts. One of the key factors that determines membership of the precariat is the uncertainty felt by individuals in the labour market as a result of, inter alia, being employed on flexible forms. The research aim of this article is to define the specificity of the Polish precariat and their sense of social security in the context of the current employment support and social policy of the Polish government. The utilitarian goal is to evaluate the “Polish Deal” programme currently proposed by the Polish government in terms of its strengths and weaknesses in order to reduce the precariat phenomenon and boost the Polish precariat’s sense of social security. The article also attempts to demonstrate the effects of actions taken by the Polish government since 2015, which were aimed at improving the situation on the precariat labour market.

In order to determine the extent to which the current government in Poland affects the social security of the precariat and satisfies their needs by taking social welfare action and implementing indirect operations related to education, a questionnaire was used, conducted via the Internet, involving a survey panel of respondents. In this study, a stratified-quota sample selection was used, corresponding to the proportions of people working on the basis of various flexible forms of fixed-term employment and self-employment.

One thousand respondents employed on flexible terms participated in the study. The study was carried out at the turn of March/April 2021.

 


doi: 10.12924/johs2023.19010001 | Volume 19 (2023) | Issue 1
Håvard Haugstvedt
C-REX Center for research on extremism, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway
Publication Date: 17 February 2023
Abstract:

Over the last five years, violent non-state actors have acquired armed unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and have been using them extensively. This paper presents the main non-state actors involved and the areas in which they have used this tool, as well as how UAVs are used and procured. To date, armed UAVs have mainly been used by non-state actors in the Middle East and Central Asia. They have also been used in the conflict zones of Ukraine, Myanmar, Mexico, and Ecuador. While this is worrisome, limited evidence suggests that violent non-state actors use armed UAVs intentionally in areas where mostly civilians are present. The paper details the state of UAV usage by non-state actors and develops a thesis of cyclic adaptation between state and non-state actors. Not only do non-state actors learn from state actors, so does state and state-backed actors learn from non-state actors in conflict zones.

This process have been visible on the battlefield in Ukraine, where state-backed actors on both sides have incorporated smaller consumer style UAVs into their repertoire. As the use of armed UAVs developed substantially following Hezbollah’s early UAV operations in 2004 and spread to many regions of the world, the adaptation of non-state cleverness and ingenuity can be harnessed by state actors in times of poor or limited access to weaponry and support systems.


doi: 10.12924/johs2022.18010029 | Volume 18 (2022) | Issue 1
José Rafael Tovar Cuevas 1, * , Juan David Díaz Mutis 1, 2 , Sandra Balanta Cobo 3 and Luis Miguel Tovar Cuevas 3
1 School of Statistics, Faculty of Engineering, University of the Valley, Santiago de Cali, Valle del Cuaca, Colombia
2 Departmental Secretary of the Health, Santiago de Cali, Colombia
3 Department of Social and Economic Sciences, Pontifical Javeriana University Santiago de Cali, Valle del Cauca, Colombia
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 7 December 2022
Abstract: This article presents a methodological proposal for formulating a Human Security Index (HSI), including information from institutional sources and the inhabitants' perception of security. The developed methodology uses quantitative methods to evaluate HS (Human Security) in small municipalities with large rural areas affected by the confluence of different social and economic problems. Given the security conditions in the area, it was impossible to use a random sampling mechanism. Therefore, the data collected have a sample size that cannot be considered significant enough to make inferences using a frequentist statistics approach. The method to construct the index is illustrated using Miranda's data, a Colombian municipality exposed to decades of armed conflict. With the answers given by 55 interviewees to questions related to the armed conflict such as presence-absence reminders and retained values of violent events, a proposal of 36 indices was made, and two of them were selected for the study, following some statistical criteria. In the construction of one of these selected indices, we used information from binary variables and, for the other index, we used information from count data. The values obtained by both indices for the municipality of Miranda were, respectively, 46.4 and 35.8. According to HS experts, both values can be considered moderate levels in the perception of insecurity by residents of the municipality.

doi: 10.12924/johs2022.16020179 | Volume 16 (2020) | Issue 2
Jaishankar Ganapathy 1, * , Ajmal Nimruzi 2 and Shakirullah Dawar 3
1 Department of Post Graduate Studies, Norwegian Police University College, Oslo, Norway
2 Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU), Ås. Norway
3 Department of Development Studies COMSATS University Islamabad (CUI), Abbottabad Campus, Pakistan
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 18 November 2022
Abstract: Youth are the backbone of any nation, and they are decisive in its development or destruction. A considerable portion of the population in both Afghanistan and Pakistan consists of youth. This paper discusses the impacts of unemployment, poverty, drug abuse, corruption, conflicts, and extremism on the experiences of young people in these countries. Vulnerabilities can become risk factors that, in turn, can increase the likelihood of youth being involved with the police. Although vulnerability and insecurity are common to both young women and men, girls and young women face additional challenges that increase their vulnerability to insecurities, such as gender-based violence. This article details how livelihood and personal insecurities are closely intertwined and further considers how these insecurities involve the police in one way or another. It argues that local community-oriented police initiatives and civil society organisation contributions can increase cooperation between youth and law enforcement agencies in addressing these challenges in a collaborative and trustful manner.

doi: 10.12924/johs2022.18020035 | Volume 18 (2022) | Issue 2
Heidi Riley 1, * , Hanna Ketola 2 and Punam Yadav 3
1 School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
2 Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Sheffield, Sheffield, England
3 Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London, London, England
* Corresponding author
Publication Date: 28 October 2022
Abstract:

This article examines the construction of gender agendas in left-wing populist movements that mobilise for armed struggle, by focusing on the case of the Maoist movement in Nepal. Feminist scholarship has highlighted how left-wing populism, when appealing to a generalized “people”, tend to produce homogenizing discourses that erase inequalities and difference, even when such movements integrate a gender dimension. Examining the trajectory of the Maoist movement over time, we argue that this ‘sameness’ may become contested and utilized by women participating in the lower echelons of the movement, as the political reality shifts from conflict to post-conflict context. As our main contribution, we develop a bi-directional approach that employs the concept of collective identity and allows us to examine the construction of populist agendas as a two-way interaction between the leadership of a movement and its grass roots supporters. Through this approach we show how the gender dimension was not merely a bi-product but central to both the construction of the Maoist movement’s war time ‘progressive’ identity, and the fragmentation of this identity and the movement’s populist appeal in the post-conflict context.


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ISSN: 1835-3800
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